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January
2009
In the
court of popular global opinion, George W Bush and the other architects of
the invasion and occupation of Iraq – including vice president
Dick Cheney and former defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld
– are widely viewed as war criminals. That is one reason why last month’s famous shoe-throwing
incident
was
greeted as a heroic act of defiance by millions. But will this symbolic
booting out be the only consequence Bush will face for his dire actions or is
there hope that justice can be served for the many victims of his war
mongering?
All
indications point to the probability that when Bush hands over the reins to Barack Obama on 20 January, he
will not only get off scot free, but he will also
thrive. Like his father before him and despite his own dismal business track
record and allegations of murky dealings, he may well pursue a
lucrative career in the influence-pedalling industry as a ‘consultant’ for
investment and oil companies.
But
wouldn’t it be great if, rather than spending his post-presidential silver
years cashing in on his stint in the White House, he would be made to pay for
the crimes against humanity he instigated?
Before we
consider the possible avenues to justice, let’s briefly recount the various
charges against him. Most fundamentally, the Bush administration’s decision
to invade two sovereign nations unprovoked should be enough to indict him
under international law, although the situation is a little more blurred in
the case of Afghanistan
under the Taliban. And protestations of “pre-emptive” defence hold no legal
water.
Benjamin Ferencz, a Nuremburg chief prosecutor, expressed his
opinion that Bush’s 2003 war of aggression against Iraq constituted “the supreme
international crime”. This is what has been known since the Nuremberg trials as a “crime against peace”.
Then,
there’s the charge of “crimes against humanity”, another pillar
of international law. In this instance, legal experts argue, that the war’s
opening “Shock and Awe” campaign alone – with its
thousands of civilian casualties, wholesale destruction of civilian
installations, and severe traumatising and terrorising of an entire
population – counted as a serious crime against humanity.
Principle VI of the Nuremberg conventions
outlaws the “wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages”, while Article 48 of the Geneva Convention
demands that parties to a war “shall at all times distinguish between the
civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military
objectives”, which clearly did not happen during Shock and Awe. Torture –
including water boarding, sensory deprivation and
complete isolation – which has been controversially endorsed by the Bush
administration at Guantanamo Bay
also counts as a serious war crime.
Now that we have established a
powerful case against Bush and the other architects of the Iraq war,
what are the possible avenues for prosecution?
With no prosecution on the horizon
in the United States,
jurisdiction should automatically shift to the International Criminal Court. However,
the United States
is one of only seven countries that has refused to sign up to the ICC, despite its support of the court’s indictment of
Sudanese president Hassan al-Bashir.
With this international avenue
blocked off, another possible avenue would be to take advantage of the Geneva
Convention’s “universal jurisdiction” to bring a case
against Bush in another country.
Belgium, before
it watered down and then effectively abolished its own
courageous and controversial war crimes law, could have been a good place
to take legal action. In fact, there had been attempts, in Belgium, to prosecute George W Bush, as well
as other leaders, including Israel’s
Ariel Sharon, Palestine’s Yasser Arafat and Cuba’s Fidel Castro.
Spain and Canada also have universal jurisdiction laws
on their books, but I doubt that courts there will hear a case against the Bush
administration after the diplomatic fury Washington
unleashed against Belgium.
Although no
American president has ever been convicted of war crimes, the US legal
system may actually provide the most promising avenue for pursuing legal
action. US law prohibits American nationals from committing any “grave
breach in any of the international conventions signed at Geneva
12 August 1949, or any protocol to such convention to which the United States
is a party”.
Now what we
need is a few brave lawyers to throw down the legal
gauntlet. If justice is done, it will send a powerful message that it is not
just the defeated and weak who face punishment for
their crimes. It will also dissuade future US leaders from believing they
can launch wars of aggression with impunity and go a step towards repairing
confidence in American justice.
This column
appeared in The Guardian Unlimited’s Comment is Free section on 14 January
2009. Read the related discussion.
ãCopyright 2009 – Khaled Diab. Unless otherwise stated, all the
content on this website is the copyright of Khaled Diab.
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