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Israel’s other Arabs |
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By Khaled Diab A new book lifts the veil off |
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April
2009 To the
outside world, Not the
enemy by
Rachel Shabi, herself an Israeli of Iraqi Jewish ancestry, provides a
fascinating account of the personal stories and history of Mizrahi Jews,
whose world fell into the abyss of the Arab-Israeli conflict, while their
dual identities as Arabs and Jews proved unable to bridge the ever-widening
chasm. “The
absence of the Mizrahi face from the global snapshot of Israel feeds back
into a polarised position, serving those on both sides who favour the
dichotomous formula of Arab versus Jew,” writes Shabi, who is also a regular
contributor to the Guardian. Even
though I knew about Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews beforehand, I was,
nevertheless, rather taken aback by how Middle Eastern Israel seemed when I was there a couple
of years ago. In fact, my first
encounter was with a Moroccan Jewish taxi driver who could shame any Subsequently,
I met numerous Mizrahi Jews, including a colourful oud player called Murad
(Mordechai), nearly all of whom recalled fondly their previous lives before
coming to Shabi
documents the ironic descent of Arab Jews from generally well-integrated and
successful minorities at the very heart of Arab culture, politics and business
to a relatively marginalised and disadvantaged population in In fact,
some Mizrahim are very blunt about the link between Zionism and their plight.
“If But the
suspicion and distrust did not end there. Their resemblance to Arabs – in
fact, you could argue that they are also ‘Israeli Arabs’ – in everything but
religion caused them to be viewed with a mixture of condescension, contempt
and even fear. This kind of culture shock is, at one level, understandable,
as it is a myth to expect the simple fact of belonging to a single faith
automatically means that people are the same. “We have here a people whose
primitiveness sets a record,” wrote a Ha’aretz reporter in 1948, not of the
Palestinians, but of Mizrahi refugees. This
anti-Mizrahi prejudice among the Ashkenazim (European Jews) elite translated
into them being whisked away to live in the remotest parts of Israel and
populate what are known as ‘development towns’ which failed to develop into
anything beyond a receptacle for broken promises and shattered dreams. The
Ashkenazi elite also set about ‘civilising’ the Mizrahi Jews and shaping them
into modern ‘Israelis’. Of course, up to a certain extent, this happened to
all immigrants, but since the Ashkenazi were calling the shots, it was their
culture that most influenced the Israeli ideal. “I don’t have a cultural
identity,” confesses Sasson, an ex-teacher from Sderot, the development town
on the edge of Things
have improved significantly in recent years, and Mizrahi culture is growing
in popularity and influence. They and Ashkenazi are increasingly
intermarrying and there are plenty of successful Mizrahim around. But much as
Israelis would like to bury this ‘ethnic demon’, it keeps coming back to
haunt them like a “genie in a bottle”, Shabi observes.
Mizrahim
still make up the bulk of Although
the disappeared Jewish presence in Arab lands was not quite a paradise lost,
their migration to This was
especially the case in Could
this common cultural heritage and affinity aid the quest for peace with the
Arabs – what Shabi calls the “Mizrahi bridge hypothesis”? She once hoped it
could, but her research led her to abandon her “crashed pet theory”. “This
theory is pathologically detached from reality,” she concludes soberly, “a
type of falsely cheery wallpaper that refuses to stick to walls wet with
blood”. Despite
all the signs to the contrary, I wouldn’t be so quick to dismiss the
potential role Mizrahi Jews could play in building understanding and empathy.
The fact that they are more likely to be ultra-nationalistic,
ultra-conservative and ultra-right wing than Ashkenazis is partly due to
their sense of betrayal at the hands of the Arab world and But as new
generations of Mizrahi Jews discover a renewed pride in their heritage, this
could lead to further corrosion of the simplistic polarity of the official
narratives of the Arab-Israeli conflict. This, in turn, could prompt more
dialogue with Arabs, which could eventually build the kind of understanding
required to provide a solid foundation for peace. Moreover,
the Mizrahi experience resembles that of the Palestinians, and this is
increasingly leading to joint activism at the grassroots level, such as when
Israeli Arabs joined Mizrahi Jews protesting eviction in a village on the
outskirts of Tel Aviv, even though it had once been a Palestinian village. In
addition, a vocal Mizrahi minority have been at the forefront of the peace
movement for decades. For instance, it was a Mizrahi organisation, the
radical Black Panthers, which was the first Israeli group to recognise the
PLO, and a couple of years before the Madrid peace conference, Arab Jewish
and Palestinian politicians, writers and academics held their own informal
peace conference in the Spanish city of Toledo. And even
if it is misguided to believe that the chasm can be bridged, those who wish
to work for peace and coexistence must continue to stretch as far across it
as they can. As Sasson Somekh, the Iraqi-born professor of Arabic literature
and long-time friend of the late Egyptian Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz,
expressed it: “I am aware that I did not produce any important results, but
I’m not going to stop.” This
column appeared in The Guardian Unlimited’s Comment is Free section
on 2 April 2009. Read the related
discussion. ãCopyright 2009 – Khaled Diab. Unless otherwise stated, all the content
on this website is the copyright of Khaled Diab. |