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war crimes law
By Khaled Diab
July 2003
The first act of Belgium’s new ruling coalition was to sound its intention to abolish the troublesome ‘genocide law’ and banish its surviving elements to the legal equivalent of exile in the dimmest corners of the law books.
Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt announced the
deathblow at the weekend. He said that the purging of the 1993 law – which had originally
allowed victims to bring war crimes and genocide cases in Belgian courts no
matter where in the world they occurred or by whom they were committed – was
designed to avoid future abuses.
Some elements of the legislation will be
integrated into other laws in order to allow cases with a link to Belgium to
continue to be heard in the country’s courts. All cases or complaints involving
foreigners will be dropped immediately, Verhofstadt added.
Given the diplomatic and political storms the
law has unleashed, it was perhaps unsurprising – if disappointing – that the
government of a minor power such as Belgium would buckle and restrict the law.
After all, the law had stacked up some powerful opponents, including the United
States and Israel.
Belgium had found itself in a tough position:
defend a morally and legally sound law and risk losing some very good friends
or bury the offensive article and get on with business as usual. After months
of political toing and froing and legislative fine-tuning, pragmatism won over
ethics and the letter of the law. The fledgling government now hopes to wipe
the slate clean – if it can secure parliament’s approval, that is.
The ten-year-old law – which had slumbered
quietly in a cobwebbed corner until the landmark ruling against two Rwandan
nuns in 2001 brought it to international attention – has seen a flood of
high-profile complaints against several heads of state, including Cuban
President Fidel Castro, Israeli Premier Ariel Sharon and Palestinian President
Yasser Arafat.
Although Israeli protests shook the Belgian
political establishment’s resolve, the law’s demise was sealed once and for all
when several complaints were filed against prominent US officials.
These included former President George Bush
senior and current Secretary of State Colin Powell for their role in the 1991
Gulf War, as well as current President George W Bush, General Tommy Franks and
British Prime Minister Tony Blair for the war in Iraq.
The architect of the Iraqi invasion, Donald
Rumsfeld, put Belgium on notice during a recent meeting in Brussels. He warned
that if it did not repeal the law, Washington would push for NATO to be
re-housed in a safer country. As a foretaste of the medicine to come, he
announced that his government would withhold its contribution to the
construction of new premises for the military alliance. His fury was such that
he confused which capital he was in, referring to it as Baghdad.
Senior US officials, including Rumsfeld, have
decried the law’s ‘universal competence’ complaining that it could result in
Americans actually facing trial in Belgian courts in politically motivated
lawsuits.
This overlooks the fact that the Belgian legal
system guarantees due process, which would protect against such abuses.
Furthermore, the Belgian government had already watered down the law’s
universality earlier this year by extending immunity to serving government
officials and allowing complaints to be forwarded to a defendant's country if
it was democratic and could handle the suit properly.
The latest amendments will also not permit the
prosecution of nationals from NATO or EU countries. This sets up a de facto two-tiered
legal system and compromises the principle of equality in the eyes of the law.
But even these checks and balances – which
actually contravene the principles of international law – were apparently not
enough, and only a complete reversal of the law would suffice. After all, the Americans
and other critics of the law ask, who is Belgium to appoint itself the ‘world’s
judge’.
The Geneva Conventions says that Belgium, or
any other country for that matter, has not only the right but also the duty to
enact universal jurisdiction in these circumstances. This is because some acts,
such as genocide, are considered so universally repulsive and unacceptable that
any country that can guarantee a fair trial is morally and legally obliged to
do so.
In addition to risking friendly diplomatic
ties, critics of Belgium’s law say it is unique in its universality. The
government seems to have finally been persuaded of this point. Verhofstadt said
the latest modifications would bring Belgian legislation in line with other
Western countries.
Unfortunately, his researchers appear to have
not done their homework thoroughly. If they had done so, they should have
uncovered the fact that other countries have very similar laws on their books
to protect fundamental human rights and, what’s more, have used them.
The United States, for one, has laws, including
anti-terrorism, that suspiciously resemble universal jurisdiction. Despite its
vocal criticism, the world’s sole superpower has its very own ‘genocide law’, under
the impenetrable and rather strange name of the Alien Tort Claims Act.
The 1789 law was originally enacted to combat
piracy on the high seas, a major problem of the time. Two decades ago, lawyers
used its universality to reinvent it as an instrument to try human rights
abuses and war crimes committed anywhere in the world.
A successful lawsuit against a Paraguayan
general charged with torture in 1980 triggered a storm of similar human rights
cases. Cases are currently being filed against Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez
and former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.
US courts have awarded victims huge damages,
including $4.5 billion to two Bosnian women. The law has even had its fair
share of high profile complaints, including one against former British premier
Margaret Thatcher and Prince Charles for their involvement in the Falklands
war.
Road to The
Hague
It smacks of
double standards for the United States to demand that Belgium scrap its
‘genocide law’ while America keeps similar laws on its books and reserves the
right to try Iraqi officials for human rights abuses that were not committed
against Americans or on American soil.
Of course,
too many national courts with universal jurisdiction could theoretically cause
chaos. The best way to guarantee fair treatment for all those accused of human
rights violations – whether they are American or any other nationality – is to
allow the cases to be tried by an impartial global court.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a
year old this month and has the framework to fill this role. I would say to Mr
Rumsfeld and other US officials that, if they object to Brussels hearing cases
against Americans, all his government has to do is drive a few kilometres up
the road and sign up for the ICC in the Hague.Body
This article appeared on Expatica on 17 July 2003.
ã2004 K. Diab. Unless otherwise stated, all the content on this website
is the copyright of Khaled Diab.